In Discourse on Colonialism, Césaire draws on the symbolic meanings of a pair of terms to illustrate his view of colonialism and its impacts on the world. The word civilization generally symbolizes goodness and virtue, while the word barbarism represents evil and chaos. Césaire argues that the white supremacist idea that European “civilization” is superior to the rest of the world’s “barbarism” has caused and justified a colossal amount of violence throughout history. Césaire intentionally flips the script: he contrasts the complex, developed “civilizations” that once ruled most of the world with the “barbarism” of the European invaders who destroyed them. Since Ancient Greece, when Greeks considered themselves “civilized” and all non-Greek foreigners “barbarians,” these two terms have explicitly combined the opposition between Europe and the rest of the world with the value judgment that certain (“civilized”) people and nations are superior to other (“barbarian”) ones. In Césaire’s time, many Europeans simply assumed that European intervention would inherently “civilize”—or improve—the rest of the world. While celebrating this so-called “civilization,” however, European governments were destroying the democratic societies that already existed in those other places. This continues today: when people argue that “Western civilization” is uniquely free and democratic, they are not only being historically inaccurate, but also defending a white supremacist idea that has justified colonialism, genocide, and terrorism for centuries. Accordingly, to point out how Europeans used the concept of “civilization” as a cover for violence, Césaire carefully inverts the usual geographical associations of “barbarism” (which is actually European) and “civilization” (which properly belongs to the rest of the world), but maintains the value judgments that are usually tied to them: “civilization” is moral and “barbarism” is evil. His strategy also shows how Europeans and North Americans—including, potentially, his readers—continue using these white supremacist concepts to implicitly praise colonialism, often without understanding the full implications of what they are saying.
Civilization and Barbarism Quotes in Discourse on Colonialism
A civilization that proves incapable of solving the problems it creates is a decadent civilization.
A civilization that chooses to close its eyes to its most crucial problems is a sick civilization.
A civilization that plays fast and loose with its principles is a dying civilization.
The fact is that the so-called European civilization—“Western” civilization—as it has been shaped by two centuries of bourgeois rule, is incapable of solving the two major problems to which its existence has given rise: the problem of the proletariat and the colonial problem; that Europe is unable to justify itself either before the bar of “reason” or before the bar of “conscience”; and that, increasingly, it takes refuge in a hypocrisy which is all the more odious because it is less and less likely to deceive.
Europe is indefensible.
Apparently that is the conclusion the American strategists are whispering to each other.
That in itself is not serious.
What is serious is that “Europe” is morally, spiritually indefensible.
And today the indictment is brought against it not by the European masses alone, but on a world scale, by tens and tens of millions of men who, from the depths of slavery, set themselves up as judges.
Colonization and civilization?
In dealing with this subject, the commonest curse is to be the dupe in good faith of a collective hypocrisy that cleverly misrepresents problems, the better to legitimize the hateful solutions provided for them.
In other words, the essential thing here is to see clearly, to think clearly—that is, dangerously—and to answer clearly the innocent first question: what, fundamentally, is colonization? To agree on what it is not: neither evangelization nor philanthropic enterprise, nor a desire to push back the frontiers of ignorance, disease, and tyranny, nor a project undertaken for the greater glory of God, nor an attempt to extend the rule of law. To admit once and for all, without flinching at the consequences, that the decisive actors here are the adventurer and the pirate, the wholesale grocer and the ship owner, the gold digger and the merchant, appetite and force, and behind them, the baleful projected shadow of a form of civilization which, at a certain point in its history, finds itself obliged, for internal reasons, to extend to a world scale the competition of its antagonistic economies.
I ask the following question: has colonization really placed civilizations in contact? Or, if you prefer, of all the ways of establishing contact, was it the best?
I answer no.
And I say that between colonization and civilization there is an infinite distance; that out of all the colonial expeditions that have been undertaken, out of all the colonial statutes that have been drawn up, out of all the memoranda that have been dispatched by all the ministries, there could not come a single human value.
First we must study how colonization works to decivilize the colonizer, to brutalize him in the true sense of the word, to degrade him, to awaken him to buried instincts, to covetousness, violence, race hatred, and moral relativism; and we must show that each time a head is cut off or an eye put out in Vietnam and in France they accept the fact, each time a little girl is raped and in France they accept the fact, each time a Madagascan is tortured and in France they accept the fact, civilization acquires another dead weight, a universal regression takes place, a gangrene sets in, a center of infection begins to spread; and that at the end of all these treaties that have been violated, all these lies that have been propagated, all these punitive expeditions that have been tolerated, all these prisoners who have been tied up and “interrogated,” all these patriots who have been tortured, at the end of all the racial pride that has been encouraged, all the boastfulness that has been displayed, a poison has been distilled into the veins of Europe and, slowly but surely, the continent proceeds toward savagery.
It is the destiny of the Occidental to face the obligation laid down by the commandment Thou shalt leave thy father and thy mother. This obligation is incomprehensible to the Madagascan. At a given time in his development, every European discovers in himself the desire … to break the bonds of dependency, to become the equal of his father. The Madagascan, never! He does not experience rivalry with the paternal authority, “manly protest,” or Adlerian inferiority—ordeals through which the European must pass and which are like civilized forms … of the initiation rites by which one achieves manhood…
The supreme goal of the People-State is to preserve the original elements of the race which, by spreading culture, create the beauty and dignity of a superior humanity.